Covid 19, health pass, “New World Order”: zooming in on the new faces of antisemitism – Part 1
In this long-read for Guiti News, Leïla Amar discusses new and old forms of antisemitism in France, especially those linked to anti-vax discourse and conspiracy narratives. Leïla also speaks with members of Jewish communities and presents a complex picture of multiple belongings and inter-religious commitment.
This article by Leïla Amar was originally published in French on Guiti News.
Part 1
On 18 January 2022, the far-right essayist Alain Soral was sentenced for “public racial insult”. In 2019, a photo on the internet showed him making a “quenelle” (an inverted Nazi salute). Last August, antisemitic placards were held up during a demonstration against the health pass. What do these expressions of antisemitism have in common? Has this form of racism updated its appearance to suit new generations? Guiti News went to meet experts and members of the French Jewish community in order to assess this sharp-edged phenomenon.
August 10th, 2021, Metz. An anti-health pass protest took place in a very calm atmosphere. The protestors held up signs with numerous messages, chanting slogans against the government’s liberticidal laws. One of them, carried at arm’slength by Cassandre Fristot, a 33-year-old German-language teacher, had a list of names: Drahi (Patrick, president and founder of the Altice group – BFMTV, L’express, Virgin Mobile, SFR, ed.), Soros (George, an American billionaire and founder of the first hedge funds), Buzyn (Agnès, former Minister of Health at the dawn of the coronavirus pandemic), Fabius (former Minister of Foreign Affairs, now President of the French Constitutional Council), Attali (economist, editorial writer and high-ranking French civil servant) and other notable figures, some French and some not.
“But who?”
All with one particular point in common: all are of Jewish faith or culture. Beside them, for pity’s sake, Macron and Véran are particularly notable and are well and truly amongst the “traitors” on Fristot’s sign.
The teacher, a former member of the National Front and then of the Party of France (a nationalist movement), has since been sentenced (six months suspended prison sentence and a temporary teaching suspension), but the now-famous “Mais Qui?” (Who?) on her sign has had time to become a new symbol of modern anti-Semitism, following in the footsteps of the comedian Dieudonné’s quenelle (gesture).
The answer is obvious: “But who?” asked Claude Posternak (a member of the La République en marche party) on June 18th 2021 to retired general Dominique Delawarde on the set of Morandini (Cnews) as the latter referred to the minority controlling the media pack. And Delawarde replied, “The community you know well.” The interview was immediately interrupted by the presenter.
An air of anti-Semitism had been felt during the crisis preceding Covid-19, during the yellow vest protests, particularly when Alain Finkelkraut had been the target of violent insults.
The scapegoat figure
According to Michel Wieviorka, a French sociologist, the use of these antisemitic expressions during the anti-health pass demonstrations is due to their very nature: it is an anti-cultural movement (“I am against the vaccine, against the pass”), unlike the yellow vests movement which was a social movement which gave rise to demands. The social paranoia inherent in “anti” movements would therefore explain the search for scapegoats found in the Jewish community. Why this identification? Wieviorka explains that in the commonly accepted collective history, Jews are responsible for two major crimes: they killed Jesus and then refused Christianity. But why this absolute need to find a scapegoat for the ills of a society? Wieviorka reminds us that, according to the anthropologist René Girard, in order to bond together, a society must expel the bad elements, so that they shoulder the problem and take it away with them. The figure of the scapegoat is the element that does not share the homogeneous characteristic of the group, and Jews who wish to remain different by maintaining a set of laws and customs wherever they live are hated for this. Once this mechanism developed in the world, communities living in a country whose religion or culture (among other aspects) is different from their own naturally became perfect scapegoats, like the Asian population in the United States, for example.
An old recipe in a new pot
While the anti-vax/anti-pass movement does not simply amount to a group of conspiratorial protesters, it is no less immediately susceptible to scapegoating, as the sociologist points out, which was in no way comparable to the yellow vest movement that demanded more social justice and did not look for those responsible. What is different about this new expression is that it is occurring in the public space, without anyone doing or saying anything. “This is very serious. This does not mean that there is more (or less) anti-Semitism than before, but it does mean that there is more access to the public space, which indicates an acceptance in this space of what normally has no place in France,” adds the sociologist. While it is obvious that the authorities must play a role in punishing demonstrators who incite hatred, Wieviorka reminds us that it is the responsibility of the demonstrators and the organisers themselves to denounce this and to dissociate themselves from the group. “The anger of the demonstrators, who are entirely committed to their cause, at the consequences of the health situation was such that, on that day at least, it made them oblivious to any other issues. I think a small portion of the protesters must have agreed with those signs, another portion must not have been hostile to them, and that the majority did not see the problem.”
For Michel Wieviorka, the current situation did not happen by chance; he recalls that for years, opinion makers in France, sociologists, political figures and members of the Jewish community have been fervently warning that there was a problem of anti-Semitism in France while emphasising its origins within Islamo-leftism (Arab-Muslim populations and part of the anti-Israeli and anti-Zionist left that is connected to it). This created an anti-Muslim obsession in such a way that the idea took hold that there were no other antisemitic threats than this one, ignoring those from the extreme right or elsewhere. “These events have reminded us that anti-Semitism is indeed multifaceted.”
According to Wieviorka, the recipe for anti-Semitism (how it works) has not changed, but some new features can be seen emerging from its mechanisms. The big issues are ever present, such as the fact that Jews are supposedly responsible for epidemics (the Black Death of 1348 and the poisoning of the wells), hold power and all have a lot of money. Until now, these themes were enough to make the community a scapegoat, but since the end of the 1970s, new factors such as the spread of negationist theories and the “shoah business” by Robert Faurisson, as well as events linked to the evolution of Israeli politics, have been added to these age-old clichés. At the time of Israel’s creation, sympathy for this state was widespread, especially on the left, which shared the “kibbutz” and innovative spirit of the small country. Then came the events of 1982, when the Israeli army invaded Lebanon, going as far as Beirut, leaving the Christian Phalangist militias to massacre the Palestinian populations of Sabra and Shatila. The successive intifadas thereafter completed the tarnishing of the image of the Hebrew state.
The effect that these events had on France, coupled with the fact that pro-Palestinian immigration from North Africa was no longer labour immigration but immigration for settlement, resulted in a new position: it was no longer a question of being against Israeli policy but against its very existence. Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism are thus intermingled. Finally, the most recent and key point that may explain some of these new antisemitic expressions is that the Jewish community is seen as an evil group against freedom of expression (supposedly the reason for the exclusion of Dieudonné or Gallimard’s decision not to republish Céline’s antisemitic pamphlets) unless it serves their interests (Charlie Hebdo). The idea of double standards is taking hold with a major new narrative that Jews control freedom of opinion only for their own benefit. “While the anti-Judaism of the 1870s was mainly religious, it was transformed through this idea into racial hatred, which explains the shift in this new Judeophobia,” concludes Michel Wieviorka.
A 2.0 hate
(But) in the age of the internet and the unmatched power of social media, one question must be answered: how can we counter such incitement to hatred when rumours travel at the speed of fiber optics? Marc Knobel, historian and author of “Cyberhaine, propagande et antisémitisme sur internet” (Cyber hatred, propoganda and anti-Semitism on the internet) (ed. Hermann), sheds light on how such an expression of hatred is being accelerated with a threefold theory: seniority, adaptability and attractiveness.
As Michel Wieviorka explains with regard to seniority, anti-Semitism is based on seniority. It draws from the depths of the history of stereotypes: Jews and power, Jews and money, Jews and omnipotence. But over time, it adapts by circumventing a number of obstacles and then uses thinly veiled codes to single people out, as was the case when Agnès Buzyn and Yves Lévy were accused of profiting from the epidemic and being in cahoots with the laboratories which supposedly were the source of Covid-19. Finally, if anti-Semitism still works, it is because it remains attractive to a wide audience that will seek to blame Jews for all society’s ills. For a theory to work, it needs an audience!
“It is the confluence of three factors that makes this situation happen. Globally, we have a worldwide pandemic that has unsettled people, who are looking for someone to blame. But it was not only the Jews who were targeted – people of Asian origin were also targeted. Note the confusion between Asians and Chinese! From the moment we heard that the virus came from Wuhan, we rushed to condemn their community, boycotting their restaurants and not sitting next to them on the train.”
Marc Knobel identifies a relatively simple reason for this serious escalation: for strategic purposes, far-right activists have continued to broadcast these messages on social networks, knowing that the latter are establishing themselves as permanent people’s courts. This is how, through those networks, they have been able to spread coded words to the public who are their target audience. “There is a kind of playfulness between the person who says something and the person who wants to hear.”
However, the author reminds us that the internet did not invent anti-Semitism; it simply acts as a sounding board: “People let loose because there are no ethics, no locks, it was not designed to be that way. Freedom of expression is almost complete, and there are no moderators. It’s an American-style system where money is the primary goal.”
The pseudonym effect also makes it easier, as users feel liberated and in reality use social networks to pour out their hatred and antipathy, making these online platforms ideal amplifiers to excite the public, like Donald Trump did on Twitter. “This system amplifies the ills of our increasingly sick and aggressive society. It becomes very easy to pour out one’s hatred on Jews, immigrants or other minorities, unlike in the 1980s when it had to be published by a newspaper. Today, anyone can vent their hatred in 280 characters.
In light of the adverse effects of social networks (and regardless of their virtues), a lawsuit was led by anti-racist associations to ask Twitter for the number of moderators employed by the platform in France. The platafform had refused to give details and has appealed. The court since ruled that Twitter had to disclose details on what it does to tackle hate speech in France, handing a win to advocacy groups that say the social network does not do enough. There are 1,867 moderators for 400 million users around the world. “Things are moving forward but we are not on the same timeline. Deconstructing fake news takes time. We are becoming aware of the omnipotence of these platforms and are slowly moving towards solutions, but this will not change mindsets; those who want to be hateful are not going to stop there because they feed on that, and need to be satiated with the image they have of others.” That’s why, according to Marc Knobel, conspiracy theories work so well as they serve as an explanation for what is happening in the world.
What about numbers and perceptions?
On January 27th 2021, the Jewish Community Protection Service (SPCJ) reported anti-Semitism figures for 2020; the number of antisemitic acts recorded was 339, compared to 541 in 2018 and 687 in 2019. While this figure is decreasing, Marc Knobel cautions on how to analyse this data provided by the Ministry of the Interior, which consists of complaints and police logs registered by police services in France. However, many people are victims of insults, threats or other non-violent acts, especially via social media (increasingly numerous) where the victims do not know the identity of their attackers.
While the number of attacks of all kinds against the Jewish community in France was 82 in 1999, it suddenly rose to 744 in 2000. The Jewish Community Protection Service (SPCJ) explains that the increase in these figures in France relates to the impact of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. Although this conflict is taking place more than 4,000 kilometres from mainland France, in the 2000s, hostility towards Jews has grown among young people in certain disadvantaged neighbourhoods, which could be explained by a strong feeling of identification with the Palestinian cause, which they avenge by attacking Jews in France. In 2019, French Jews, who make up less than 1% of the population, were victims of 41% of racist physical violence committed in France.
Beyond the figures and statistics, some Jewish institutions wanted to obtain more exhaustive answers from the Jewish population in France as well as from the general public about their feelings on the evolution of anti-Semitism in the country. The Foundation for Political Innovation (Fondapol) and AJC (American Jewish Committee) have therefore carried out a quantitative survey (administered by Ifop) aimed at making a detailed and dispassionate assessment of this phenomenon. Thus, it reveals that it is perceived as being significant and increasing as much by French people of Jewish faith or culture as by the general public (77% of Jews and 53% of the general public believe that it is increasing).
It is also stated that a third of French people of Jewish faith or culture feel threatened because of their religious affiliation and that 70% of this population say they have been victims of at least one antisemitic act in their lifetime, particularly young people aged 18-24 who appear to be “on the front line”, with 84% of them reporting that they have experienced at least one antisemitic act. Furthermore, there appear to be two “preferred” places for antisemitic violence: on the street and in schools. Finally, more than one in five French people have heard someone they know speak negatively about Jews.
The survey reveals that this climate leads some French people of Jewish faith or culture (43%) to avoid certain areas and to adopt a strategy of invisibility by moving to another neighbourhood, city or region. While in 2014, 7,231 French Jews made their “Aliyah”, emigration to Israel (this date coincides with the events of Sarcelles), the trend was clearly down in 2019 with 275 olim from France (Olim, aspiring Aliyah immigrants), but it rose sharply in 2020 in terms of the number of files registered with the Jewish Agency (support service for Aliyah), increasing by 400% compared to the previous year. This reveals that there is a latent anxiety within the Jewish population of France.
Leïla Amar is an experienced journalist, filmmaker and communication professional based in Paris. You can find out more about her work at https://www.leilaamar.co
Guiti News is an online media outlet for the general public that offers a dual perspective on the major themes of our society, in particular around migration and exile. The goal is to advocate for the humanization of stories, a recognition of the complexities and nuances in the identities of people interviewed, an increased attention to commonly used but harmful terms used to speak on topics surrounding migration and to advocate for people with lived experience of migration to reclaim the narrative. For a fairer, more complex and more coherent vision of today’s world, Guiti News presents only reports produced by a collaboration of two people: a French journalist and an exiled colleague.